Mediaeval Kashmir Historiography
Mediaeval Kashmir Historiography
Awantipur ruins, Kashmir
*-K. N. Pandita
What is the precise historical time to reckon as the beginning of mediaeval period? Scholars have forcefully debated the question. Western historians say that modern age dawned (in the west) with the advent of industrial revolution around A. D. 1688. Others believe that Renaissance of early 16th century ushered in a new era since it marked the end of Dark Age and the beginning of the era of enlightenment.
But to Muslim historians this distribution of historical period is somewhat confusing. According to them the period of enlightenment began when the Prophet brought a new faith and with that a different approach to material and spiritual life. The Muslim calendar begins from Muharram 1, A.H. 1 corresponding to 16 July 622 A.D., and the day on which Prophet Muhammad left
The Muslim Calendar is a religious calendar, and based solely upon the Moon�s changes. It is related that while reciting the khutba , or Sermon at his Farewell Pilgrimage, Prophet Muhammad said: � A year is twelve months, as at the time of Creation.� The Qur�an says: �Verily twelve months is the number of the months with God, according to God�s Book, ever since the day when He created Heaven and Earth.� 
Muslim historians of mediaeval and even of later mediaeval times have invariably used the hijra lunar calendar for recording events in their historical works. However, Iranian historians of later period have used hijri ( solar) calendar, and this means variation in the dates. Iranians/Shia�s call it hijri shamsi while the Sunnis call their calendar hijri qamari.
Muslim contribution to the science of historiography is appreciable in terms of quality as well as quantity. Credit goes to the depth and vastness of Arabic language, which generally facilitated writing with elegance and without too many ambiguities. Moreover, early Arab conquests opened a vast new world for Arabs, warriors, traders, and adventurers. The new world had much to offer to the historians; not only the flora and fauna of the conquered countries but also their life style, and social structure. There was at hand a rich fund for comparative study. Fortunately, the Arab historians have left to us some significant material that deals with pre-Islamic civilizations, too, be it of the Aryan or the Semitic or the Mongolian race. Had not they done so, we would have been deprived of considerable portion of ancient history of the people in the East.
The Saracens had a fairly developed sense of history. Supported by a language that contained rich vocabulary and powerful syntax, and also taking cue from the powerful Qur�anic text, early Arab historians evinced interest in the events of their days.
In the beginning, Arab historians liked writing biographies (siyar) or what may now be called biographical histories. But when gradually their conquered lands took political shape and structure, and Islamic society moved towards cohesion of sorts, having spread over vast regions of Asia Minor,
Arab invaders finally overthrew the Sassanian Empire of Persia (
When Arab domination of
In the beginning, Iranian historiographers employed a simple and plain style of Farsi prose for the simple reason that they wrote for ordinary readers. Bal�ami�s Farsi translation of Tarikh-i-Baihaqi is an example of this style.
However, this did not last long. When Khurasan, the eastern part of the Caliphate, assumed more and more autonomy from
Beginning of mediaeval historiography
When did Muslims in
Official Islam came to Kashmir in A.D. 1339, corresponding to A.H. 740, when Shah Mir, a fugitive chieftain driven out from his native place in present Waziristan region of
But the true story of mass conversion of Hindus of Kashmir to the Islamic faith during the first century of advent of Islam, viz. 1339 to 1425, has never been told in detail except only sporadically by Jonaraja and Shrivara. They speak in parables and allegories for fear of grave reprisal. No doubt, Muhammad Ali Kashmiri, a rabid Iranian Nurbakhshiyyeh missionary to
The life-long mission of forcing conversion on the Hindu masses of Kashmir and large-scale destruction of their civilizational symbols were essentially major political compulsions for Sikandar --- the Iconoclast --- (A.H. 796/A.D. 1393), third in the line of succession to Sultan Shah Mir. Evidently, he needed a freshly converted powerful local feudal social structure to lend him support in his ambitious mission of propagating the new faith of foreign origin. The services of Suh Bhat, Islamised as Malik Saifu�-Din by Mir Sayyid Muhammad Hamadani, the illustrious son of Shah Hamadan to whom he had given his daughter in marriage, were used with maximum result?
Importance of taking Hindu wives, and giving Muslim girls in marriage to Hindu chieftains provided the latter converted to Islam, has been quite deliberately understated by Muslim historians of
We have already said that some reportedly valuable Farsi histories of
Farsi histories of mediaeval Kashmir hardly give any indication of noticeable impact of the art of historiography of pre-Islamic
By and large, scholars who tried to make good use of their bilingual skill up to the end of Sultan Zainu�l-�Abidin�s times, are known by the epithet Mulla prefixed to their names. We come across many of them during the first one and a half century of Muslim rule over
In a gloss to the statement of the author of Baharistan-i-Shahi, in which he speaks of Sultan Zainu�l-�Abidin retrieving many important works of the Hindu scholars from throes of destruction, the translator and annotator of the text writes: �Copies of the Vedas and Shastras were procured from India, and got translated into Farsi. Many Arabic and Farsi books were got translated into Sanskrit. Particular mention can be made of Mulla Ahmad�s translation of Rajatarangini and Mahabharata. The Sultan also made Pandit Jonaraja to write an epilogue to Kalhana�s chronicle, which is the chronicle of events from the times of Jayasimha to his days.�
A couple of Farsi histories, like the Waqa�at-e-Kashmir (Tarikh-i-Uzma) of Muhammad �Azam Dedamari (A.H. 1158/A.D 1745), Tarikh-i-Kashmir by Pandit Birbal Kachroo A.D. 1845), and Tarikh-i-Kashmir by Ghulam Hasan Khuihami (A.D. 1892) begin their account by making a mention of the Hindu kings of
Having said that, let us focus on some prominent characteristics of mediaeval
Thus almost all Farsi mediaeval histories of
Of course a feeble attempt has been made by a couple of historians to remove this discrepancy. Three works in particular, namely Tohfatu�l-Ahbab (circa A.H. 1052/A.D. 1642), Baharistan-i-Shahi (A.H 1023/A.D. 1614), and Tarikh-i-Hasan (A.D. 1892) have tried to give a peep into the phenomenon. For example, the author of Baharistan-i-Shahi writing about Sultan Qutbu�d-Din says:
Although the Sultan had been admitted to the Islamic faith, in those days none of the ulema and men of learning in
Tohftu�l-Ahbab gives a deeper insight into the phenomena of transition. He says:
The real reason for the animosity and rancour of these detestable wretches towards Amir Shamsu'd-Din was that the wives and women of the mullas of
Writing about the persecution of Hindus, Pir Ghulam Hasan ways:
Twenty-four thousand Hindu families were converted to Shamsu�d-Din Araki�s faith (Shia� � Nurbakhshiyya) by force and compulsion (qahran wa jabran) 
The authors of two former histories are of Shia� faith, while the last one is an astute historian trying to be as honest and unbiased as he can. Though adhering to
The people of
.Sunni-Shia divide in mediaeval
On the other hand, some mediaeval as well as modern historians with pronounced Shia� proclivity have exaggerated the role of Shia� rulers (Chaks) and their Shia� nobility, and tried to legitimise their persecution of the Hindus and Sunnis. Tohfatu�l-Ahbab, the biography of the founder of Nurbakhshiyyah order of Sufis in Kashmir, is a hopeless litany of complaints, assaults and denunciations against the Sunni scholars and religious leaders of his days (mid-16th century) in
During the days of Mir Shams, one Mulla Farhi arrived from Khurasan. He was shown due respect in
Thereupon Qadi Muhammd read out a few verses from the above named book and asked him (Mulla Farhi) to explain and bring out the meaning of a few verses. Mulla Ahmad was head to tail drowned in sectarian prejudice and said that they were not able to comprehend the meaning of Mulla Jami's verses. He said that even the men of learning and eminence were unable to understand what Jami said. How then could people of lesser intellectual faculty be able to comprehend him? He snatched away the book from the hands of the Qadi and asked what had he to do with the book. The Qadi exhibited great patience and restraint but the writer's father could not stomach the remark. He stood up and overpowered the foreigner placing his feet on the latter's chest. He snatched the book from his hands and gave it to Araki. Qadi Muhammad also followed the writer's father (Maulana Jamalu'd-Din Khaleelullah) to the presence of Mir Shams. They just wanted to know what Araki had to say about the work. Mulla Ahmad Khwajeh, too, had accompanied the Qadi. They recounted the whole story to Shamsu'd-din Araki. He said that that was not the volume, which contained Jami�s canard. However, the Qazi said that it was the same book. Thereupon, Shamsu'd-Din said," Oh Mulla! Take this book to the kitchen and burn its each and every page." With these instructions given to us, we stood up and departed to our cells. However, I came to the kitchen where Qadi Muhammad and Mulla Ahmad Farhi (sic) also joined me. He made supplication and wanted a few leaves of the book to be given to him. He said we might retain the rest and do with it whatever we pleased to do. He said if a portion of the book did not lie with him, he would feel broken down because he had taken great pains to procure it. I was not moved at all and put each leaf to the leaping flames in his presence. With the tearing away of each leaf of the book, it appeared as if his heart was rent into pieces. I tore up many leaves and then cast the pieces into the burning flames. On beholding the torn pieces, that filthy man tore his clothes and beat his breast. With each leaf flying into flames, he would tear away a small sheaf of his beard and throw it into the flames along with the burning leaf. It appeared as if he was going to consign himself to the flames. Although a pupil of Jami, nevertheless he was not as bold and courageous as his teacher was to consign himself really to flames.
When the entire book was consigned to the flames, he fell on my feet and begged that the cover of the book be returned to him so that he could preserve it as a souvenir. We did not spare the cover and left no trace of the work for its wretched owner. When the burning of the book was over, he besmeared his head with ashes and cried loud. Back in his home, he sat mourning the loss of the book. Qadi Muhammad also proceeded to his home while I kept myself busy with the chores of the hospice and of Mir Shamsu'd-Din. I came to the presence of the Qadi the next morning. He said that we would go to the house of Mulla Ahmad that day and sit for some time in his company. I asked him how we could sit in his company in view of the things that had happened the previous night. The Qadi said that the previous night we had burnt his heart and today they would rub salt into his wounds.
On finding us at his residence, Mulla Ahmad flew into rage. He said we had almost killed him the previous night and now we had come to be with him. He asked whether we had any new mission to accomplish. The Qadi told him that he had come to recite to him some of the encomiums composed by Jami so that he would do justice by realising what type of encomium were written. The Mulla was not prepared to listen. He said that he nursed deep hatred for them and was not prepared to sit in their company. But, the Qadi was determined to sit with him and I too sat by the side of the Qadi. He took out the paper from his pocket and began reading the mathnavi. He read it out as Jami penned down in Silsilatu'z-Zahhab. He read each verse of Jami twice while this wretched Khariji sat like a coiled snake. The Qadi asked whether they considered those verses as encomium and praise of Hazrat �Ali and a satire and condemnation for Jami. What answer would they give to the Holy Prophet on the Doomsday? It is better that I put the verses of the mathnavi (with the Qadi) on paper here so that friends and well-wishers would enjoy reading them and send blessings to the soul of the Qadi
Rishis and Sufis
Most mediaeval histories of
From the very beginning, the people in
Undoubtedly, these recluses and self-abnegators had exercised profound influence on the masses of people by their long tradition of living a life of asceticism and renunciation. This life style suited orthodox Muslim missionaries after the rishis converted to Islam, and continued their life of seclusion. Having fulfilled that objective, the question was of reducing their influence and popularity among local people. This was done by introducing Sufiism as the Islamic variant of Hindu rishism. In the works like Asraru�l-Abrar and Trikh-i-Kabir, fascinating stories of conversion of the Hindu rishis to Islam and retaining the suffix rishi to their Islamic names will be met with.
We find that mediaeval historians have recorded with great gusto many incredibly fascinating stories about the miracles and occult powers of these rishis. The purpose has been to legitimise the hold of Islam on the masses of people through rishi link by ascribing extraordinary spiritual powers to them.
The fact of the matter is that Islamic Sufism is in no way either the continuation or the extension of
The question is how far did the imported traditions of sufiism exercise impact on the life of local people? No mediaeval history has discussed this issue at length. All that they have done is that they have furnished a long list of �sufis� and then add encomiums to them and recounted amusing and exaggerated stories of their so-called spiritual powers with the sole purpose of constructing an over-reaching profile in the eyes of local people.
Mediaeval historians have carefully kept the negative role of the Sufis under wraps. A close study of their words and deeds shows that their primary agenda was to carry forward Islamic mission as dini mujahid -- the Crusaders --, under the mask of sufiism and dervishism. Take the case of Shaykh Nuru�d-Din (called Shaykhu�l-�Alam and also Nund Reshi). His biographer Bahau�d-Din Mattoo has, in Rishi Nameh, given us the graphic story of how he, along with his sufi followers --- actually goons--- assaulted the Hindu priest named Bhim (Bomeh) Sadhu at the cave-shrine of Bomzuv in Mattan and flung the cow hide on the idols, which the priest used to worship. He was forcibly converted and given the name of Bam Sahib. Such acts of vandalism by Sufis and Rishis are unheard of in the history of Islamic Sufiism.
A study of Tohfatu�l-Ahbab, the biography of Shamsu�d-Din Araki (his firs visit to Kashmir was in A.H 882/A.D. 1477) shows that this rabid missionary of Nurbakhshiyyah order of Sufis had regimented sufi and dervish terrorist gangs whom he led for demolishing Hindu temples, forcing conversions to Islam and spreading awe and terror among the helpless people of Kashmir. Examine the following extract:
�In the neighbourhood of the above-mentioned temple, there stood another idol house called Udran by the infidels of Hindustan and
The so-called Sufis and dervishes have played a significant role in the propagation of Islamic faith in
Some mediaeval historians have even portrayed Muslim rishis as staunch followers of orthodox Sunni Islam with disgust towards the Shia�. In his qasada lamiyeh, Baba Dawood Khaki has showered praises on Hardi Reshi for his strict adherence to orthodox Islam. He concludes the panegyric with these two rather unsavoury verses.
Gofti aksar dedeh am payghambar o yaraan-i u
Naql mi kardi az ishan pish-e ma ba�zi maqal
Goft deedam murtaza, pursidam az wey hal-e rafz
Goft hast albatteh dar sbb-e musalmanan wobal
Translation: He (Hardi Rishi) said he had often seen the Prophet and his Companions. And he used to recount their stories to us. He said that he had seen the Prophet, and asked him about the affairs of Shia� faith (rafz). The Prophet said that of course it (Shiism) is criminal in reproaching Muslims.
A Sufi is supposed to be above caste, creed, colour and ethnicity. He is disallowed to put humanity into compartments of accepted and rejected groups. What is the meaning of whadatul-wajud, (the Unity of Being) --- the fundamental principle of Sufism? Actually Kubravi Sufis were the first to undertake the destruction of Hindu temples in
A study of Farsi histories of mediaeval
The Sayyids, Shaykhs, the ulema and the followers of the Sufi orders, all of foreign origin, received frugal official patronage. Gradually they formed the elitist group and reduced local populace to a state of servitude.
A warlord or a feudal chief, who was defeated in a fighting with his adversary, usually took flight to the regions beyond Pir Panchal, to Poonch, (Proonts), Rajouri (Rajppuri), and
Malik Kaji Chak came to the presence of Shamsu�d-Din Iraqi (Araki) who told him, �This community of idolaters has, after embracing and submitting to the Islamic faith, now gone back to defiance and apostasy. If you find yourself unable to inflict punishment upon them in accordance with the provisions of sharia� and take disciplinary action against them, it will become necessary and incumbent upon me to proceed on a self-imposed exile and in that case you shall not stand in my way at the time of my departure.�
Since the above � mentioned Malik, prior to his assumption of power and authority, had promised him that he would never deviate from or disregard his wishes and injunctions, therefore, in deference to his wishes, he held consultations with his counsellors and administrative officers, and decided upon carrying out a wholesale massacre of the infidels. Their massacre was scheduled for the days of the approaching �ashura. Thus in the year A.H. 924/A.D. 1518) corresponding to 94th year of Kashmiri calendar, during the �ashura about seven to eight hundred infidels were put to death. Those killed were the leading personalities of the community of infidels at that time: men of substance and government functionaries. Each of them wielded influence and sway over a hundred families of other infidels and heretics. Thus the entire community of infidels and polytheists in
Farsi histories of mediaeval Kashmir have, one and all, stated that Kashmiri warlords and elite class had no qualms of conscience in inviting a powerful foreigner to attack a local ruler or chieftain, wrest power and authority from him and place the same in the hands of one or the other supplicant. This has been the bane of
With the advent of Muslim rule over Kashmir in A.D. 1339, the state and its administrative apparatus focused on two objectives, namely, to propagate and promote the new faith among the people, and to open the floodgates for the influx of large crowds of Sayyids, Shaykhs, Muftis, Peerzadas, Sufis, ulema, theologians, and mendicants from all over the neighbouring Islamic lands as far as Turkey (bilad rum), Egypt and Syria. Mediaeval historians of Kashmir vied with one another in highly exaggerating so-called spiritual qualities and attainments of the aliens coming to
The aliens, as hinted above, formed the elitist crust of the new society in
These large Muslim immigrants found warm hospitality not only from the rulers and their courts but also from the nobles, feudal lords and influential persons among the civil society. In recognition of their services to faith, which meant demolition of temples or conversion of a large group of Hindus to Islam, they were rewarded with formal allotment of a fief (jagir), which included several villages for their maintenance and support. In this way a new feudal structure of ecclesiasts, came into being. Although they were not supposed to raise militias and private soldiers as traditional feudal lords generally do, yet in perpetuating the new faith and in eschewing any chance of proselytising, this institution rendered yeoman�s service. With state support, this class gradually became the moral custodian of the masses of people. Very few beneficiaries of this institution actually resided in the villages given to them as jagirs; they mostly lived in the city close to the corridors of power and through matrimonial alliances established their links to influential houses and clans.
A difference that marks mediaeval Kashmir historiography from traditional Muslim or to be precise Iranian historiography is that by and large,
A word about the language should not be missed. Sanskrit, the language of ancient Kashmiris had lost its status with the passage of time. Owing to various reasons, it had degenerated into a local dialect (Kashmiri), which retained a large portion of Sanskrit vocabulary albeit mostly corrupted and deformed. Towards the last phase of Hindu rule, the Brahmans and the literati in
With the advent of Islam, Sanskrit language was replaced with Farsi, and Sharada with Arabic script. For some time in the beginning, the use of bilingual scripts continued but ultimately Sharada was pushed out. Replacement of Sanskrit with Farsi was a direct onslaught on Kashmiri dialect, which had become popular around the time of arrival of the Muslims. Though local Muslim intelligentsia borrowed a large number of Arabic and Farsi words to enrich Kashmiri dialect, yet since Farsi was the official language, Kashmiri dialect had no chance of assuming the status of written official language. At the same time to the great consternation of neo-Muslim intellectual class, Arabic script was totally inadequate to represent peculiar Kashmiri sounds and vowels. They would not revise Arabic script, as that would be nothing short of sacrilege (Arabic is the script in which the Quran has been written), and they were loath to revert to Sharada script as that would mean reviving infidelity (to use the script of the infidels). Stuck between the two, Kashmiri language got stifled and was pushed to the background. It is no argument that lakhs of Kashmiris are speaking Kashmiri dialect. It may be so but it is incapable of producing any literature of merit. The power of a language should be examined in its ability to write history, which is totally absent in the case of Kashmiri.
To sum up this long exposition, we find that mediaeval
 Mishkat, Book xi, chapter xi
 Sura ix, verse 36.
 Take the case of Al Fihirist of Ibnu�l-Nadim or Tarikh-i- Tabari.. This is invaluable record of insights into pre-Islamic history of
 For in depth information on the grandeur of Sasanian Empire see
 Some of these movements were led by the Saffaris, Buwayahids, Zayyars, Daylamites and Samanians in
 See A Literary History of
 In particular the Cama Institute of Bombay deserves full appreciation for rendering immense service to the researchers of ancient religions and civilizations.
 Khurasan (khur+as+aan) of old Persian means �wherefrom the Sun comes�. Khwar+sheid = the bright Sun with sheid being the corrupted form of Sanskrit shveta meaning white or bight. Thus Khur+as+aan means the land wherefrom the bright Sun rises. Khurasan province is situated to the east of
 Literally meaning �beyond the river�, the term has been generally used by Arab historians for the region of
 See Baharistan-i-Shahi, loc.cit., p. 98fn 24. Also see Tarikh-i-Kashmir by Ghulam Hasan Khuihami, vol ii. p 409.
 The author of Baharistan tells us: �He discarded the faith of the infidels and their aberrant practices, and accepted Islam. Amir Sayyid Muhammad conferred upon him the title of Malik Saifu�d-Din. Thus Sultan Sikandar and Malik Saifu�d-Din joined hinds to gear their full effort towards the eradication of infidelity and other aberrant practices�Through the blessings and support of Islam and by the propagation of the commands of sharia , they were rewarded with victories wherever they led their armies, confirming the saying that �God helps those who help Muhammad�s religion.� Baharistan-i-Shahi, tr. K.N. Pandit,
 For details regarding his matrimonial alliances, see Rajatarangini of Jonraja, ed. Srikanth Kaul, Vishveshvaranand Institute, Hoshiarpur, 1967, p. 77. The chieftains with whom Shah Mir established matrimonial relations were of Shankarpora (Pattan), Bhangila (Bengil), Bringa (Breng) and other places. For details of these place names, see Rajatarangini, v, 156n, vii. 499 and vol. ii, p. 468.
 Describing the story of abdication of Sultan Ali Shah (A.H 816/A.D. 1413 � 22), Haider Malik writes, � The works of his poet-laureate, Mulla Naderi, which reportedly contain details of the events of his reign, are lost to us.� Tarikh, loc. cit. MS.Acc. No. 39, F. 39a
 Discussing the Israeli origin of Kashmiri people, an Israeli scholar has noted that Kashmiris are the descendents of the Lost Tribe of Israelis exiled in 722 B.C. They wandered along the
 The text of the Rajatarangini used by Stein was in Sharada script. See Rajatarangini, A. Stein vol. p.
 A university professor in present day
 See Baharistan, p. 97, fn 22.
 The loss of this valuable fund remains unresolved so far. Tarikh of Pir Ghulam Hasan Khuihami, p. 147.
 See Tarikh by Haider Malik Chadora, MS. Acc. No 39, RPD, J&K Government.
 Loc. cit. p. 35
 Translation by K.N. Pandit, pp. 88-9 (translated not yet published)
 Tarikh, p. 223.
 See Waqa�at-e Kashmir, (tr) Shamsu�d-Din, J&K Islamic Research Centre,
 Innovation in Islam has generally been condemned as an anti-Islamic act. Staunch Muslims have not accused only the Shia� of bid�at but Sufis, too, have not been spared by them
man in bid�at nami
 Baharistan, loc.cit. p.34. A big controversy with mediaeval and even modern
 A.H. 947/A.D. 1540
 Muhibbu�l-Hasan�s work Kashmir under the Sultans,
 Tohfatu�l-Ahbab, loc. cit p. 117 et. seq (English translation by K.N. Pandit under publication.
 Tarikh, vol. iii, p. 101
 See Tarikh-I-Hasan, vol. 3, p. 128-9. Here is an example of such stories. Hasan writes that one Aditya Raina was the administrator of Marvwatsun in Pargana Breng. Once he visited Hazrat Shaykhu�l-�Alam ( d. circa A.H. 842/ A.D. 1438) who asked him what had brought him to his presence. Aditya said, �Your love and regard attracted me to you.� �Unless a friend takes after his friend, the claim of his friendship is not true�, said the Shaykh. �Obey the command of God Almighty�, he added. �What is God�s command?� Aditya asked. �Accept Islam and repose faith in God�s oneness,� said Shaykhu�l Alam. Aditya said, I am God�s worshipper but I am not a Musalman.� The Shaykh said,� You get your food from the Great Supplier (God) but you worship the idol.� On hearing this, Aditya fell unconscious. When he regained his senses, he converted to Islam and was given the name Shaykh Latif. He spent the rest of his life in Pushkar. Ibid. vol. .iii. p. 128-9.
 Discussing the philosophy of a leading Arab Sufi scholar, Junayd Baghdadi (d. AH.297/A.D.909), historians tell us, � He (Junayd) asserted that the links of the Sufis with the Qur�an and Hadith (Tradition) were strong and nobody could lay claim to guiding the pupil along the path of mysticism if he had not read the holy book and the hadith.� See Nameh-e-Danishwaran, vol. v, p. 15, Teheran.
 Published by J&K Academy of Culture and Art in at
 Loc. cit, p.183
 Describing the displeasure of Sultan Qutbu�d-Din with Sayyid Ali Hamadani and the latter�s exit from
 The 10th day of the month of Muharram. There is a short reference to the massacre of Hindus in Shuka�s Chronicle. He writes, � Now in times gone by, Shriyya, a twice-born had planted * * * as it were, the creeper of his karma. On the approach of winter * * * it was watered by the good Brahman Nirmalakanha. Then a the time of the melechha oppression, Kanthabhata and others held a council and was able to avert the disgrace, which such oppression begets. Khujja Mir Ahmada, on the other hand, by devoting his life to the service of Kacha (Kaji � Kanchan) Chakra and by giving him wealth, induced him, who was alarmed at the work of Niirmalakantha and others, to give him permission to act against them; and actuated bythe mlechhas, caused them to be murdered. .. . . . . the oppression by the Mausulas (Muslims) which began in the time of the Saidas (Sayyids) was prominently enforced by Somachandra (Musa Raina) and was perfected by Kaka (Kacha0 Kaji) Chakra. See The Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, tr. J.C. Dutt,
 See Baharisan-I-Shahi, tr. K.N. Pandit,
*K.N. Pandita: Born in Baramulla, Kashmir in 1929 did graduation from St. Joseph’s College in Arts with English literature. The tribal raid of October 1947 destroyed his family like hundreds of other Kashmiri Hindu families in Baramulla. |
After doing M.A. from Punjab University, he served as Lecturer in State Degree Colleges and in 1958 earned a scholarship from the Indian Ministry of Education for higher studies at the University of Teheran, Iran. Four years of study and research at the University of Teheran earned him a Ph.D. in Iranian Studies. He joined Kashmir University in 1963 and it’s Centre of Central Asian Studies in 1976. He rose to become Professor and Director of this Centre till his superannuation in 1987. He is not only the first Kashmiri to obtain Ph.D. from Teheran University but is also the first to have worked in close collaboration with a number of Central Asian Academies of Science particularly the Tajik Academy. His travelogue titled My Tajik Friends won him Sovietland Nehru Award 1987.
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